種族隔離辯護(hù)人

英文部分選自經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人Obituary版塊

Apartheid’s apologist

種族隔離辯護(hù)人

Roelof Frederik “Pik” Botha,  South Africa’s longest-serving foreign minister, died on October 12th, aged 86

魯洛夫·弗雷德里克·博塔(即皮克·博塔),，南非任期最長(zhǎng)的外交部長(zhǎng),，于10月12日去世，享年86歲

THERE WERE few things Pik Botha liked more than telling a story, except, perhaps, being at the centre of one. Eyes flashing and with a stage performer’s perfect timing, he would cast his spells. He did it best if he had a cigarette in one hand and a drink in the other (better yet, one or two already in him, as they helped bring out his mischievous streak). And there was plenty of mischief to be made. At a government bosberaad, or country retreat, he decided to liven up an evening by throwing ammunition into the campfire, sending his cabinet colleagues diving for cover as the bullets exploded. At a boring diplomatic dinner in Geneva he selected a long-stemmed rose, sniffed it and then ate it before working his way through several more. Even his nickname, Pik—short for pikkewyn, Afrikaans for penguin—hinted at an impish character. He picked it up as a baby, but it stuck and he kept it because it rolled off the tongue so much more easily than the sober Roelof Frederik with which he was christened.

也許除了成為某個(gè)故事的主角之外,，皮克·博塔最喜歡的事情便是講故事了,。每當(dāng)此時(shí)，他雙眼放光,，時(shí)機(jī)一到,，便開始講故事，聽的人沉浸其中,，如癡如醉,，就像被施了魔法一樣。尤其是當(dāng)他左手夾著一支煙,，右手端著一杯酒時(shí),，他便能發(fā)揮到極致（手里有其中一樣也是好的，這樣他就可以發(fā)揮自如）,。除此之外,，他還做過(guò)很多“荒誕的事”,。為了打破政治僵局在隔離場(chǎng)所或是鄉(xiāng)村別墅召開的會(huì)議中，有一次他決定把彈藥扔進(jìn)篝火中,，讓內(nèi)閣同僚們?cè)谧訌棻〞r(shí)迅速躲藏,，以此來(lái)活躍夜晚的氣氛。在日內(nèi)瓦舉行的一個(gè)無(wú)聊外交晚宴上,，他也用自己的方式來(lái)活躍氣氛,，他選了一朵長(zhǎng)莖玫瑰，聞了聞,，然后吃掉了它,。甚至他的昵稱皮克（Pik），也是南非語(yǔ)中企鵝（Pikkewyn）的縮寫,，這也凸顯了他頑皮的性格,。這個(gè)名字在他是個(gè)孩提時(shí)候就起了的，雖然難聽,，但他還是保留了下來(lái)，比起受洗禮時(shí)起的拗口名字Roelof Frederik,，皮克的發(fā)音容易多了,。

注：bosberaad：為了打破政治僵局在隔離場(chǎng)所召開的會(huì)議，（來(lái)自南非荷蘭語(yǔ) bos （“ 叢林” ） + beraad （“ 考慮” ）,。

There was more here than showmanship. When, in the late 1980s, peace talks aimed at getting South Africa and Cuba to pull their troops out of Angola’s civil war broke down, he walked over to the hotel bar and offered a whisky to his Cuban counterpart. By the end of the evening neither man could walk without help, but they had the outlines of a deal.

但他不是嘩眾取寵,。上世紀(jì)80年代末，致力于讓南非和古巴從安哥拉內(nèi)戰(zhàn)中撤軍的和平談判破裂后,，他走到酒店酒吧,，給來(lái)自古巴外交部長(zhǎng)遞上一杯威士忌。到了晚上,，兩個(gè)人醉得走路搖搖晃晃,，但他們已初具和談思路。

注：

《Cuban intervention in Angola》

https://en./wiki/Cuban_intervention_in_Angola

In the half-century in which he represented South Africa, first as a diplomat and then for almost 20 years as its longest-serving foreign minister, he deflected or delayed sanctions aimed at ending apartheid, or white rule. He was by far the most eloquent defender of a system that denied millions of black people the vote, that uprooted hundreds of thousands from their homes and that was maintained by the barrel of a gun and tip of a sjambok.

在南非任職的半個(gè)世紀(jì)里,，他先是作為一名外交官,，然后作為任期最長(zhǎng)的外交部長(zhǎng)，在職將近20年時(shí)間里,，他改變或推遲了各種制裁,，旨在結(jié)束種族隔離或白人統(tǒng)治。數(shù)百萬(wàn)黑人沒(méi)有選舉權(quán),，政府憑借武力鎮(zhèn)壓維持（靠著槍管和皮鞭）此項(xiàng)制度,，迫使數(shù)十萬(wàn)人背井離鄉(xiāng)。迄今為止,，皮克·博塔是這項(xiàng)制度最具有雄辯力的捍衛(wèi)者,。

注：Uproot 迫使某人離開出生地或定居處

If you uproot yourself or if you are uprooted, you leave, or are made to leave, a place where you have lived for a long time. 

Henry Kissinger was a role model and told a biographer that he was “fiery, intelligent and discreet”. Margaret Thatcher embraced his arguments against sanctions: that they would be ineffective while making black people poorer. Instead of isolating South Africa, he argued, Western leaders should allow verligte (enlightened) whites to reform apartheid gradually. To do so he had to paint himself as a liberal held hostage to conservatives within his party.

時(shí)代模范基辛格曾向一位傳記記者說(shuō)到皮克是一個(gè)熾熱,、機(jī)智且謹(jǐn)慎的人。撒切爾夫人也認(rèn)同皮克反對(duì)制裁制度的論點(diǎn),，認(rèn)為這一做法非但無(wú)效,，而且還會(huì)讓黑人日益貧窮。皮克則認(rèn)為西方領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人應(yīng)該讓思想開明的白人去逐步實(shí)施種族隔離改革,，而不是一味去孤立南非,。為了實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)，他必須將自己刻畫成一名自由派人士,，積極反對(duì)黨內(nèi)的保守分子,。

It helped that most of his cabinet colleagues and the apartheid-era presidents he served did little to conceal their racism. P.W. Botha (no relation), who led the country from 1978 to 1989, would wag a finger—both temper and voice rising—when challenged over the immorality of apartheid. Pik Botha, instead, would lean forward, hunching his rugby-player’s frame, and earnestly explain that he abhorred racism and did not want to lord it over blacks.

好在大多與他共事的內(nèi)閣同事和種族隔離時(shí)代的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人并不去掩飾他們是種族主義者的事實(shí)。像1978-1989年的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人Botha就是如此,。一旦受到有關(guān)種族隔離的非議,，他就會(huì)大發(fā)雷霆，高聲斥責(zé)來(lái)予以警示,。而皮克則會(huì)將身體微微前傾,，聳起雙肩，露出他橄欖球員般的背部輪廓,，真誠(chéng)地說(shuō)自己同樣痛恨種族主義,，也絕不想用種族主義去統(tǒng)治黑人。

He may have even believed it himself. In 1977 he stunned his party by rejecting routine segregation, saying he was not prepared to die “for an apartheid sign in a lift”. A decade later he infuriated it by saying he was prepared to serve under a black president.

他自己也許真的堅(jiān)信這一點(diǎn),。1977年的時(shí)候他還拒絕用常規(guī)的方式進(jìn)行種族隔離,，宣稱他并不打算僅僅為了在電梯里看到一個(gè)種族隔離的標(biāo)語(yǔ)而小題大做。這一行為震驚了黨派內(nèi)其他人士,。而在十年之后他卻宣布自己準(zhǔn)備好了與黑人領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人共事,。這無(wú)疑激怒了其他人。

The son of a rural schoolmaster, his closest childhood friend was Frans, a local black boy. Starting school without Frans was unthinkable. So his father Roelof found a spot for Frans near the door of the Paul Kruger School near Rustenburg. Friendship was one thing, but the blood of his ancestors ran thicker still. Like that of his grandfather, Johannes, who fought against the British in the Anglo-Boer war. Johannes had joined a guerrilla band after the conventional war was lost, fighting on for almost two more years among a group known as the bittereinders until their final, unconditional surrender.

皮克的父親是一位鄉(xiāng)村小學(xué)的校長(zhǎng),，而他兒時(shí)最好的玩伴就是一位名為Frans的黑人小男孩,。皮克無(wú)法想象在沒(méi)有Frans的陪伴下去上學(xué)的場(chǎng)景。因此皮克的父親便幫Frans在皮克的學(xué)校附近找了份工作,。但在皮克的心里,，友誼歸友誼，流淌在身體里的百折不撓的精神卻更加根深蒂固,，這一點(diǎn)可能來(lái)源于他的祖父,。皮克的祖父Johannes曾加入布爾戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。失利之后,，他以一名游擊隊(duì)員的身份在一個(gè)被稱為bittereinders的組織里繼續(xù)和戰(zhàn)友們奮戰(zhàn)兩年,，直至最后英國(guó)宣布無(wú)條件投降。

背景知識(shí)：

The First Boer War (Afrikaans: Eerste Vryheidsoorlog, literally "First Freedom War"), also known as the First Anglo-Boer War, the Transvaal War or the Transvaal Rebellion, was a war fought from 16 December 1880 until 23 March 1881 between the United Kingdom and the South African Republic (also known as Transvaal Republic; not to be confused with the modern-day Republic of South Africa).[1] The war resulted in defeat for the British and the second independence of the South African Republic.

Having been conquered once, he would say, Afrikaners would never again negotiate their own destruction. More than any of his colleagues, he could see that the battle over apartheid would not be won or lost in the townships, but in the court of international public opinion. As a lawyer he had faced that court when he went to The Hague to defend a challenge to its rule over South West Africa (renamed Namibia after its independence in 1990). South Africa’s legal team won the case in 1966, but having seen how unpopular apartheid was abroad, Mr Botha came home a reluctant reformist. In a submission decades later to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission he said that he had realised “you gain nothing by winning the legal battle if you lose the moral battle.” He went into politics, winning his first seat in 1970. In his maiden speech in parliament he urged South Africa to sign the UN Declaration of Human Rights. This was too radical a thought for many, as was his call a year later to give “coloureds” (people of mixed race) the same political rights as whites. He found little willingness in his party to embrace the view that, in order to survive, apartheid had to reform. But his promises of change were eagerly received overseas.

博塔表示已經(jīng)被征服過(guò)一次的阿非利堪人，絕不重蹈覆轍,，,。比起他那些同僚，他更清楚反種族隔離斗爭(zhēng)應(yīng)該在國(guó)際輿論的法庭上論出輸贏,，而不是取決于某一場(chǎng)小鎮(zhèn)的戰(zhàn)斗,。他還是律師的時(shí)候，前往海牙為南非對(duì)西南非（于1990年獨(dú)立后更名為納米比亞）的統(tǒng)治辯護(hù),。那時(shí),， 他就已經(jīng)面對(duì)過(guò)這種法庭，1966年,，南非律師團(tuán)在此案中勝訴,，卻也見證了種族隔離制度在海外極為不得人心，博塔回國(guó)后成為一名變革者,，盡管有幾分不情愿,。幾十年后，他在向真想與和解委員會(huì)（the Truth and Reconciliation Commission）遞交的一份文件中,，表示,，已經(jīng)意識(shí)到，“如果你在道德上站不住腳,，那么在法律上打贏官司也沒(méi)有任何意義”,。他開始從政，并于1970年為自己贏得了第一個(gè)官員席位,。他在議會(huì)的首次演講中，呼吁南非簽署聯(lián)合國(guó)人權(quán)宣言,。對(duì)眾人而言,，這種觀點(diǎn)太過(guò)激進(jìn)，一年之后他有呼吁給予“有色人種”（混血兒）與南非白人同等的政治權(quán)利,，這一想法依然過(guò)于激進(jìn),。他發(fā)現(xiàn)黨內(nèi)幾乎無(wú)人愿意接受這樣的觀點(diǎn)，即,，只有改革種族隔離制度,，才能生存下去。不過(guò),，他的改革承諾卻在海外獲得了熱切地響應(yīng),。

注：

1.“真相與和解”委員會(huì): 1994年11月29日，南非政府宣布真相與和解委員會(huì)成立,，享有厚望的諾貝爾和平獎(jiǎng)得主南非圣公會(huì)圖圖大主教擔(dān)任委員會(huì)主席,。“真相委員會(huì)”是新南非的一個(gè)創(chuàng)舉,目的在于通過(guò)弄清種族隔離時(shí)期侵犯人權(quán)罪行的真相并加以妥善處理,促進(jìn)改善種族關(guān)系和實(shí)現(xiàn)種族和解?！罢嫦辔瘑T會(huì)”堅(jiān)持獨(dú)立性,、公正性與和解精神,作出了很大成績(jī)。但是問(wèn)題敏感,、工作難度大,其作用有一定限度,。新南非種族關(guān)系的全面改善仍然任重道遠(yuǎn),有很長(zhǎng)的路要走,“真相委員會(huì)”帶了一個(gè)好頭。

2.議員首次演說(shuō): A maiden speech is the first speech given by a newly elected or appointed member of a legislature or parliament.

3.聯(lián)合國(guó)《世界人權(quán)宣言》: 是聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)于1948年12月10日通過(guò)（聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)第217號(hào)決議,，A/RES/217）的一份旨在維護(hù)人類基本權(quán)利的文獻(xiàn),。由于該文件是由聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)通過(guò)的，《世界人權(quán)宣言》并非強(qiáng)制的國(guó)際公約,，但是它為之后的兩份具有強(qiáng)制性的聯(lián)合國(guó)人權(quán)公約,，《公民權(quán)利和政治權(quán)利國(guó)際公約》和《經(jīng)濟(jì)、社會(huì)及文化權(quán)利國(guó)際公約》做了鋪墊,。

衍生閱讀:

http://kb./item/1d17e9aa30aee9f39d6b0be917fa84b8.html?from=smsc&uc_param_str=dnntnwvepffrgibijbpr

Over time, he said different things to different people, casting himself as a good man in a rotten system, a liberal who had campaigned from within. In 2000 he told a black newspaper that he planned to join the ANC because he identified with its fundamental values. Later, at a meeting of mostly Afrikaners he denied ever having joined the party. It was too much of a stretch. For so long, he had argued for a power-sharing agreement that preserved the essence of white rule while ending international isolation. Such a deal could never be reached with the ANC. As much as Mr Botha knew that apartheid could not survive, there was still something of the bittereinder in him. Just as they had fought on for a doomed cause, even as their farms and homes were burned to the ground, his defence of the system served only to prolong its horror.

在政壇浸潤(rùn)多年,，他處事圓滑，見機(jī)行事,，把自己塑造成一個(gè)“腐朽體系中的好人”,，一位在體系內(nèi)部抗?fàn)幍淖杂芍髁x者,。2000年接受一家黑人報(bào)紙采訪時(shí)，他表示認(rèn)同非國(guó)大的基本價(jià)值觀，計(jì)劃加入該黨,。后來(lái)，在一次阿非利堪人的集會(huì)上,，他又否認(rèn)曾加入過(guò)非國(guó)大,。翻臉如翻書。長(zhǎng)久以來(lái),，博塔一直主張分權(quán)協(xié)議,，既能結(jié)束對(duì)南非的國(guó)際孤立，又能保留白人統(tǒng)治的精髓,。這樣一份協(xié)議卻永遠(yuǎn)不可能與非國(guó)大達(dá)成,。他清楚種族隔離制度不會(huì)存在下去，但皮克的內(nèi)心里還保有bittereinder游擊隊(duì)那種百折不撓的精神,。就像那些為了注定要失敗的事業(yè)而戰(zhàn)的游擊隊(duì)員一樣,，即使面臨家園被燒成一片白地之時(shí)的境遇，他對(duì)體系的維護(hù)只是為了使這種夢(mèng)魘般的統(tǒng)治存續(xù)多一點(diǎn)時(shí)間罷了,。

注:南非非洲人國(guó)民大會(huì)（African National Congress,，ANC）現(xiàn)為南非執(zhí)政黨，簡(jiǎn)稱非國(guó)大,，是南非最大的黑人民族主義政黨,，也是南非惟一跨種族的政黨。

翻譯組：

Lucia，英專學(xué)生,，經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人愛好者

Kemay,，決心練好筆譯的未來(lái)口譯員

Li Xia, 女， 愛爬山的自由翻譯+美食狂人

校核組：

Lee,，愛騎行的婦女之友,，Timberland粉

Amber，博物館人,，總愛忘事兒,，老友記粉

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