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I would like to begin with a little experiment. In a moment, I'm going to ask if you would close your eyes and see if you can work out what emotions you're feeling right now. Now, you're not going to tell anyone or anything. The idea is to see how easy or perhaps hard you find it to pinpoint exactly what you're feeling. And I thought I'd give you 10 seconds to do this.
OK?
Right, let's start.
OK, that's it, time's up. How did it go? You were probably feeling a little bit under pressure, maybe suspicious of the person next to you. Did they definitely have their eyes closed? Perhaps you felt some strange, distant worry about that email you sent this morning or excitement about something you've got planned for this evening. Maybe you felt that exhilaration that comes when we get together in big groups of people like this; the Welsh called it "hwyl," from the word for boat sails. Or maybe you felt all of these things. There are some emotions which wash the world in a single color, like the terror felt as a car skids. But more often, our emotions crowd and jostle together until it is actually quite hard to tell them apart. Some slide past so quickly you'd hardly even notice them, like the nostalgia that will make you reach out to grab a familiar brand in the supermarket.
And then there are others that we hurry away from, fearing that they'll burst on us, like the jealousy that causes you to search a loved one's pockets. And of course, there are some emotions which are so peculiar, you might not even know what to call them. Perhaps sitting there, you had a little tingle of a desire for an emotion one eminent French sociologist called "ilinx," the delirium that comes with minor acts of chaos. For example, if you stood up right now and emptied the contents of your bag all over the floor. Perhaps you experienced one of those odd, untranslatable emotions for which there's no obvious English equivalent. You might have felt the feeling the Dutch called "gezelligheid," being cozy and warm inside with friends when it's cold and damp outside. Maybe if you were really lucky, you felt this: "basorexia," a sudden urge to kiss someone.
(Laughter)
We live in an age when knowledge of emotions is an extremely important commodity, where emotions are used to explain many things, exploited by our politicians, manipulated by algorithms. Emotional intelligence, which is the skill of being able to recognize and name your own emotions and those of other people, is considered so important, that this is taught in our schools and businesses and encouraged by our health services. But despite all of this, I sometimes wonder if the way we think about emotions is becoming impoverished. Sometimes, we're not even that clear what an emotion even is.
You've probably heard the theory that our entire emotional lives can be boiled down to a handful of basic emotions. This idea is actually about 2,000 years old, but in our own time, some evolutionary psychologists have suggested that these six emotions -- happiness, sadness, fear, disgust, anger, surprise -- are expressed by everyone across the globe in exactly the same way, and therefore represent the building blocks of our entire emotional lives. Well, if you look at an emotion like this, then it looks like a simple reflex: it's triggered by an external predicament, it's hardwired, it's there to protect us from harm. So you see a bear, your heart rate quickens, your pupils dilate, you feel frightened, you run very, very fast.
The problem with this picture is, it doesn't entirely capture what an emotion is. Of course, the physiology is extremely important, but it's not the only reason why we feel the way we do at any given moment. What if I was to tell you that in the 12th century, some troubadours didn't see yawning as caused by tiredness or boredom like we do today, but thought it a symbol of the deepest love? Or that in that same period, brave men -- knights -- commonly fainted out of dismay? What if I was to tell you that some early Christians who lived in the desert believed that flying demons who mainly came out at lunchtime could infect them with an emotion they called "accidie," a kind of lethargy that was sometimes so intense it could even kill them? Or that boredom, as we know and love it today, was first really only felt by the Victorians, in response to new ideas about leisure time and self-improvement? What if we were to think again about those odd, untranslatable words for emotions and wonder whether some cultures might feel an emotion more intensely just because they've bothered to name and talk about it, like the Russian "toska," a feeling of maddening dissatisfaction said to blow in from the great plains.
The most recent developments in cognitive science show that emotions are not simple reflexes, but immensely complex, elastic systems that respond both to the biologies that we've inherited and to the cultures that we live in now. They are cognitive phenomena. They're shaped not just by our bodies, but by our thoughts, our concepts, our language. The neuroscientist Lisa Feldman Barrett has become very interested in this dynamic relationship between words and emotions. She argues that when we learn a new word for an emotion, new feelings are sure to follow. As a historian, I've long suspected that as language changes, our emotions do, too. When we look to the past, it's easy to see that emotions have changed, sometimes very dramatically, in response to new cultural expectations and religious beliefs, new ideas about gender, ethnicity and age, even in response to new political and economic ideologies. There is a historicity to emotions that we are only recently starting to understand. So I agree absolutely that it does us good to learn new words for emotions, but I think we need to go further. I think to be truly emotionally intelligent, we need to understand where those words have come from, and what ideas about how we ought to live and behave they are smuggling along with them.
Let me tell you a story. It begins in a garret in the late 17th century, in the Swiss university town of Basel. Inside, there's a dedicated student living some 60 miles away from home. He stops turning up to his lectures, and his friends come to visit and they find him dejected and feverish, having heart palpitations, strange sores breaking out on his body. Doctors are called, and they think it's so serious that prayers are said for him in the local church. And it's only when they're preparing to return this young man home so that he can die, that they realize what's going on, because once they lift him onto the stretcher, his breathing becomes less labored. And by the time he's got to the gates of his hometown, he's almost entirely recovered. And that's when they realize that he's been suffering from a very powerful form of homesickness. It's so powerful, that it might have killed him.
Well, in 1688, a young doctor, Johannes Hofer, heard of this case and others like it and christened the illness "nostalgia." The diagnosis quickly caught on in medical circles around Europe. The English actually thought they were probably immune because of all the travel they did in the empire and so on. But soon there were cases cropping up in Britain, too. The last person to die from nostalgia was an American soldier fighting during the First World War in France. How is it possible that you could die from nostalgia less than a hundred years ago?
But today, not only does the word mean something different -- a sickening for a lost time rather than a lost place -- but homesickness itself is seen as less serious, sort of downgraded from something you could die from to something you're mainly worried your kid might be suffering from at a sleepover. This change seems to have happened in the early 20th century. But why? Was it the invention of telephones or the expansion of the railways? Was it perhaps the coming of modernity, with its celebration of restlessness and travel and progress that made sickening for the familiar seem rather unambitious? You and I inherit that massive transformation in values, and it's one reason why we might not feel homesickness today as acutely as we used to. It's important to understand that these large historical changes influence our emotions partly because they affect how we feel about how we feel.
Today, we celebrate happiness. Happiness is supposed to make us better workers and parents and partners; it's supposed to make us live longer. In the 16th century, sadness was thought to do most of those things. It's even possible to read self-help books from that period which try to encourage sadness in readers by giving them lists of reasons to be disappointed.
These self-help authors thought you could cultivate sadness as a skill, since being expert in it would make you more resilient when something bad did happen to you, as invariably it would. I think we could learn from this today. Feel sad today, and you might feel impatient, even a little ashamed. Feel sad in the 16th century, and you might feel a little bit smug.
Of course, our emotions don't just change across time, they also change from place to place. The Baining people of Papua New Guinea speak of "awumbuk," a feeling of lethargy that descends when a houseguest finally leaves.
Now, you or I might feel relief, but in Baining culture, departing guests are thought to shed a sort of heaviness so they can travel more easily, and this heaviness infects the air and causes this awumbuk. And so what they do is leave a bowl of water out overnight to absorb this air, and then very early the next morning, they wake up and have a ceremony and throw the water away. Now, here's a good example of spiritual practices and geographical realities combining to bring a distinct emotion into life and make it disappear again.
One of my favorite emotions is a Japanese word, "amae." Amae is a very common word in Japan, but it is actually quite hard to translate. It means something like the pleasure that you get when you're able to temporarily hand over responsibility for your life to someone else.
Now, anthropologists suggest that one reason why this word might have been named and celebrated in Japan is because of that country's traditionally collectivist culture, whereas the feeling of dependency may be more fraught amongst English speakers, who have learned to value self-sufficiency and individualism. This might be a little simplistic, but it is tantalizing. What might our emotional languages tell us not just about what we feel, but about what we value most?
Most people who tell us to pay attention to our well-being talk of the importance of naming our emotions. But these names aren't neutral labels. They are freighted with our culture's values and expectations, and they transmit ideas about who we think we are. Learning new and unusual words for emotions will help attune us to the more finely grained aspects of our inner lives. But more than this, I think these words are worth caring about, because they remind us how powerful the connection is between what we think and how we end up feeling. True emotional intelligence requires that we understand the social, the political, the cultural forces that have shaped what we've come to believe about our emotions and understand how happiness or hatred or love or anger might still be changing now. Because if we want to measure our emotions and teach them in our schools and listen as our politicians tell us how important they are, then it is a good idea that we understand where the assumptions we have about them have come from, and whether they still truly speak to us now.
I want to end with an emotion I often feel when I'm working as a historian. It's a French word, "dépaysement." It evokes the giddy disorientation that you feel in an unfamiliar place. One of my favorite parts of being a historian is when something I've completely taken for granted, some very familiar part of my life, is suddenly made strange again. Dépaysement is unsettling, but it's exciting, too. And I hope you might be having just a little glimpse of it right now.
Thank you.
(Applause)
我想以一個(gè)小實(shí)驗(yàn)來開始今天的演講 稍后之后我會請你們閉上眼睛 然后看看是否能夠辨別 你們當(dāng)下所感受到的情緒
我并不是要 讓你們來分辨什么人或物
這個(gè)實(shí)驗(yàn)的目的 是讓大家感受一下
準(zhǔn)確辨別情緒的難易程度 我會給你們十秒鐘
可以吧
好的 我們現(xiàn)在開始
好的 結(jié)束了 時(shí)間到 怎么樣 你可能感覺到有一點(diǎn)壓力 也許在猜疑旁邊的人 他們真的都閉上雙眼了嗎
也許你會有些異樣的感覺
隱隱擔(dān)心今早發(fā)出的電子郵件 或者為你今晚的計(jì)劃感到興奮
也許你為我們一群人齊聚一堂
而覺得欣喜不已 威爾士人把這叫做 hwyl(激情) 來源于單詞 船帆 又或者你體會到了上述的所有情緒
有的情緒可以 占據(jù)你的整個(gè)內(nèi)心世界 比如汽車打滑時(shí)的恐懼 但通常情況下 我們的各種情緒 會互相交織在一起 很難將它們嚴(yán)格區(qū)分開
有的情緒來得太快 你甚至都注意不到 比如思鄉(xiāng)情緒 它讓你在超市里 情不自禁地伸手去抓 自己熟悉的那個(gè)品牌
還有其他的情緒 我們忙不迭地想要擺脫它 害怕它們會在我們身上爆發(fā) 比如嫉妒 誘使你去搜愛人的包 當(dāng)然 還有一些情緒太特別了 你可能甚至都不知道它們叫什么 也許此刻坐在這兒 你心里有一絲奇怪的沖動 一個(gè)法國著名的社會學(xué)家 稱這種情緒為 ilinx 是一種精神錯(cuò)亂 同時(shí)伴隨許多較小的混亂的活動 例如 你現(xiàn)在站起來 然后把你包里的東西清空 鋪得滿地都是 也許你曾經(jīng)經(jīng)歷過一種奇怪的 無法言表的情緒 你可能都找不到與之對應(yīng)的英語詞匯 你可能經(jīng)歷過一種 荷蘭人稱之為 gezelligheid 的情緒 感覺就像外面又冷又濕的時(shí)候 你和朋友們舒服而溫暖地待在家里 如果你真的很幸運(yùn) 也許感受到過 這種情緒 basorexia 一種想要親吻某人的沖動
(笑聲)
我們生活在這樣一個(gè)時(shí)代 關(guān)于情緒的知識 成為了非常重要的日用品 而情緒也被用來解釋許多事情 被政客們利用 用公式來計(jì)算 情商 這種可以識別和命名 自己或他人的情緒的技能 被認(rèn)為如此重要 甚至?xí)?在學(xué)校和工作中被作為課程講授 同時(shí)也是我們的健康服務(wù)所推崇的 但盡管如此 有時(shí)我還是在想 我們思考情緒的方式 是否太過貧乏 有時(shí)我們其實(shí)并不知道 某種情緒是什么
你們可能都聽過這個(gè)理論 我們的整個(gè)情緒生活 可以被劃分為 一些基本的情緒 這個(gè)理論其實(shí)已經(jīng)存在了兩千多年了 但在我們的時(shí)代里 一些研究進(jìn)化的心理學(xué)家 提出過這六種情緒 快樂 悲傷 恐懼 惡心 憤怒和驚喜 全世界上每個(gè)人的表達(dá)方式都一樣 因而它們代表了我們整個(gè)情緒生活的 基本組成部分 然而如果你這樣看待情緒的話 它看起來就是一個(gè)簡單的反射 由外界某種狀態(tài)觸發(fā) 是固定的 它保護(hù)我們免受傷害 所以當(dāng)你看到熊的時(shí)候 你的心率加快 你的瞳孔增大 感到害怕 你會跑得非常非???/a>
但這種觀點(diǎn)的問題在于 它并不能完全概括情緒是什么 當(dāng)然 心理學(xué)非常重要 但它并不是我們在任何時(shí)候 感受到當(dāng)下感覺的 唯一原因 如果我告訴你 在十二世紀(jì) 一些吟游詩人并不認(rèn)為 打哈欠 是由于累了或者無聊了 像我們今天認(rèn)為的一樣 而是以為哈欠是最深的愛的象征 或者在同一時(shí)代 勇敢的人們 騎士們 會因?yàn)?沮喪 而暈倒 如果我告訴你 某些早期的住在沙漠里的基督教徒 堅(jiān)信會飛的惡魔 通常會在午餐時(shí)候出沒 傳染給他們一種叫做 倦怠 的情緒 一種昏睡的癥狀 有時(shí)這種癥狀很嚴(yán)重 甚至可能導(dǎo)致他們的死亡 亦或者 被他們叫做 無所事事 的情緒 現(xiàn)在我們都知道并且很喜歡 一開始只有維多利亞時(shí)代的人 對休閑時(shí)光或者自我提升 有新的想法時(shí)才能感覺到 如果我們再想一想 這些奇怪的無法言表的情緒 以及是否有的文化可能對 某種情緒有更強(qiáng)烈的感覺 只是因?yàn)樗麄兠驼務(wù)撍?/a> 像俄語中的 toska 一種令人發(fā)狂的不滿 據(jù)說是從大平原流傳過來的
最近的認(rèn)知科學(xué)研究結(jié)果表明 情緒并不是簡單的反射 而是極度復(fù)雜的 靈活多變的系統(tǒng) 這系統(tǒng)不僅響應(yīng)我們 所沿襲的生物系統(tǒng) 也對我們當(dāng)下生活的 文化環(huán)境有反應(yīng) 它們是認(rèn)知現(xiàn)象 它們不僅被我們的身體所塑造 也被我們的想法 我們的理念和語言所塑造 神經(jīng)科學(xué)家巴雷特·費(fèi)爾德曼·麗莎 對這種動態(tài)的語言與情緒之間的 關(guān)系非常有興趣 她提出 當(dāng)我們學(xué)習(xí)關(guān)于 一種情緒的一個(gè)新單詞 就會產(chǎn)生新的感覺 作為一個(gè)史學(xué)研究者 我一直猜想 當(dāng)語言改變時(shí) 我們的情緒是否也會隨之而變 當(dāng)我們回望過去 很容易就發(fā)現(xiàn) 情緒會改變 有時(shí)這種改變非常劇烈 這種改變是對 新文化的期望和宗教的信仰 關(guān)于性別 種族和 年齡的新觀念的響應(yīng) 甚至是對新的政治和 經(jīng)濟(jì)意識形態(tài)的響應(yīng) 情緒具有史學(xué)性 而我們直到最近 才開始理解這種特性 所以我絕對同意 學(xué)習(xí)關(guān)于情緒的 新詞語對我們有益 但我認(rèn)為我們還要想得更遠(yuǎn) 想要真的具備高情商 我們還需要明白這些詞語從何而來 以及我們應(yīng)該如何 生活和行為的理念 這些東西與情緒共存
我來給你們講個(gè)故事吧 這個(gè)故事發(fā)生在17世紀(jì)末 瑞士巴塞爾大學(xué)鎮(zhèn)的一個(gè)閣樓里 在閣樓里住著一個(gè)勤奮的學(xué)生 他的家離這里60多英里 他有天突然不去上課了 他的朋友來看他 發(fā)現(xiàn)他精神沮喪 發(fā)燒 還伴有心悸 身上長了奇怪的瘡 有人叫了醫(yī)生 大家以為他很嚴(yán)重 還在當(dāng)?shù)亟烫?/a> 幫他做了禱告 當(dāng)大家正在準(zhǔn)備把這個(gè) 年輕人送回家 讓他入土為安時(shí) 他們才發(fā)現(xiàn)發(fā)生了什么 因?yàn)楫?dāng)他們把他抬起來 放到擔(dān)架上時(shí) 他的呼吸順暢多了 而當(dāng)他快到家門口時(shí) 他幾乎痊愈了 這時(shí)候大家意識到 他一直以來得的是 非常強(qiáng)烈的思鄉(xiāng)病 這種思鄉(xiāng)情緒太強(qiáng)烈 差點(diǎn)害死了他
在1688年 一個(gè)年輕的醫(yī)生 約翰內(nèi)斯·霍弗 聽說了這個(gè)病例 以及其他的類似病例 將這種病命名為 nostalgia (思鄉(xiāng)?。?/a> 這種診斷很快在歐洲的 醫(yī)療圈中傳播開來 事實(shí)上英國人以為 自己對這種疾病免疫 因?yàn)樗麄兛傇诘蹏?不停的到處旅行 但后來也在英國發(fā)現(xiàn)了類似的病例 死于思鄉(xiāng)病的最后一個(gè)人 是在一戰(zhàn)中 在法國戰(zhàn)斗的美國士兵 距今還不到100年前的人們 怎么會死于思鄉(xiāng)病呢
但如今 不僅這個(gè)詞本身 代表了其他的意思 更多的是對逝去時(shí)光 而不是地點(diǎn)的緬懷 而且思鄉(xiāng)病本身也沒有那么嚴(yán)重 好像從一種可能致死的情緒 降低為你可能會擔(dān)心的 比如你的孩子在朋友家過夜時(shí) 想家的小情緒 這種變化好像發(fā)生在20世紀(jì)的早期 但為什么會發(fā)生呢 是由于電話的發(fā)明 還是火車的普及 亦或是現(xiàn)代化的到來 對無休止的旅行和發(fā)展的大力推崇 讓我們對自己所熟悉東西的 懷舊情緒看起來沒那么熱切了 我們所有人都繼承了 這種極大的價(jià)值觀轉(zhuǎn)變 這也可能是我們今天 沒有像過去那樣 想家的原因之一 重點(diǎn)是要去理解 歷史巨變會對我們的情緒產(chǎn)生影響 部分是因?yàn)樗鼈儠绊?我們?nèi)绾胃兄约旱母杏X
今天我們贊美快樂 快樂可以使我們成為更好的職工 更好的父母和伴侶 它還可能讓我們活得更久 然而在16世紀(jì) 悲傷這種情緒卻被認(rèn)為是 具有以上大多數(shù)功能的情緒 那個(gè)時(shí)候甚至還有一些 自助的書籍可以 激發(fā)讀者的悲傷情緒 通過給他們羅列一系列 應(yīng)該感到失望的原因
這些自助書籍的作者認(rèn)為 你可以將悲傷培養(yǎng)為一種技能 因?yàn)楫?dāng)你成為這方面的專家 在壞事臨頭的時(shí)候 你會更容易挺過來 誰都不會一直一帆風(fēng)順 我覺得我們可以從這其中 學(xué)到一些東西 今天你如果覺得悲傷 你可能會沒有耐心 甚至有點(diǎn)羞愧 在16世紀(jì)覺得悲傷 你則可能會自命不凡
當(dāng)然 我們的情緒不僅隨時(shí)間變化 也隨著地點(diǎn)不同而不同 新幾內(nèi)亞島的拜寧人 會說 awumbuk 一種代表你家里的客人終于離開后 會逐漸減弱的沒精打采的情緒
這種情況對我們大家來說也許 只會覺得松了口氣 但在拜寧人的文化里 即將出發(fā)的客人 可能會留下一些沉重的情緒 這樣他們在路上才能走得更輕松 這種沉重會影響周遭的空氣 從而造成這種 awumbuk 所以他們會在前一天晚上 放一碗水在門口 來吸收這種空氣 然后第二天一大早 他們起床 舉行一個(gè)儀式 再將這碗水扔掉 還有一個(gè)很好的例子 表明精神活動和地理現(xiàn)實(shí)相結(jié)合 會產(chǎn)生生活中一種特別的情緒 然后再讓其消失
這是我最喜歡的情緒之一 一個(gè)日本詞語 amae amae這個(gè)詞在日本很常見 但它其實(shí)非常難翻譯 它代表了某種類似于當(dāng)你可以 暫時(shí)將你生活的責(zé)任交付于 其他人時(shí)的欣喜
人類學(xué)家們推測 這個(gè)詞語在日本被命名和推崇的 可能原因之一 是因?yàn)檫@個(gè)國家的集體主義文化 而獨(dú)立的感覺 則可能在那些講英語的 人群中更常見 這些人早已學(xué)會了去重視 自我滿足和個(gè)人主義 這可能有點(diǎn)過于簡化了 但這的確引人深思 我們的情緒語言告訴我們的 不僅僅是我們的感覺 還有我們最重視的是什么
許多告訴我們要關(guān)注個(gè)人健康的人 談?wù)撝o我們的情緒命名的重要性 但這些名字并不只是單純的標(biāo)簽 它們承載著我們文化中的 價(jià)值觀和期望 也傳遞著我們對自己的看法 學(xué)習(xí)新的 不常見的這些 情緒詞匯可以幫助我們 調(diào)節(jié)我們的內(nèi)在生活 使其更加平順 但不止如此 我認(rèn)為這些詞語值得關(guān)注 是因?yàn)樗鼈兲嵝阎覀?我們的想法 與我們的感覺之間 有多么強(qiáng)烈的聯(lián)系 真正的高情商需要我們理解 社會 政治和文化的力量 塑造了我們?nèi)缃?如何看待自己的情緒 理解快樂 憎恨 喜愛或者憤怒 至今可能仍然處于變化之中 因?yàn)槿绻覀兿牒饬孔约旱那榫w 并在學(xué)校中圍繞其授課 甚至聽我們的政客告訴我們 它們?nèi)绾沃匾?/a> 那么我們理解自己 關(guān)于這些情緒的設(shè)想 由何而來 以及它們對我們來說 是否仍然屬實(shí) 就十分重要
我想以作為一個(gè)歷史學(xué)家 常常感覺到的一種情緒作為結(jié)尾 它是一個(gè)法語詞 dépaysement 它會引發(fā)一種你在不熟悉的地方 所感覺到的暈眩和迷惑感 作為歷史學(xué)家我最喜歡的一點(diǎn)是 有時(shí)當(dāng)我覺得某事理所當(dāng)然 某些我生活中非常熟悉的事情 突然又變得奇怪起來 dépaysement 意思是不確定 但也令人興奮 我希望你們現(xiàn)在 對此已經(jīng)稍微有所體會了
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來自: kevingiao > 《Ted》
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